Beginning of Conspiracies, Rebellions, and National Subjugation Before British Colonial Occupation (Khan Baloch Mir Mehrab Khan Shaheed):
While social life paved the way for civilization, it also enabled powerful societies to impose exploitative policies on weaker communities. Since those times, oppressed and subjugated peoples have struggled—individually and collectively—sacrificing to uproot exploitation. Like many other subjugated nations, the Baloch have consistently defended their homeland and national survival by resisting both internal and external occupiers, often at great cost.
From its inception, this movement took a clear stance against two forces: the external colonial invaders—the British Empire—and the internal forces of social injustice, illiteracy, and exploitative local tribal chieftains who oppressed ordinary Baloch people. Today, the Pakistani state acts as a successor to British imperialism, with its local collaborators continuing the betrayal of the Baloch nation. Just as these collaborators once shed the blood of their own people to serve the occupiers, today they are doing the same under the guise of “death squads,” killing Baloch alongside the Pakistan Army across Balochistan.
Despite being surrounded by powerful monarchies and colonial attackers, the Baloch successfully defended their land. Competent rulers unified the Baloch homeland under a central authority. The Baloch were once the sovereign people of their land, though the evolution into a modern state was still in process. However, the greed for power and authority led some local rulers to rebel against the center, while hostile forces surrounded Balochistan. It was in these circumstances that, in 1817, Khan Baloch Mir Mehrab Khan Shaheed became the ruler of Balochistan. He assumed leadership at a time when provincial rulers and many tribal chiefs had rebelled against the central authority. High-ranking officials in the court and provinces had shifted their loyalties to foreign invaders.
Mir Mehrab Khan was a capable and strong leader. He made every effort to keep the nation united. Internally, Balochistan faced political disintegration, while externally, foreign invaders threatened its integrity. The country faced several challenges:
- Deteriorating relations with Afghanistan – In 1819, Khan Baloch granted asylum to Shah Shuja Durrani, the exiled ruler of Afghanistan, prompting an Afghan invasion of Balochistan. However, without confrontation, the Afghan army retreated from Mangochar. Later, Afghanistan’s instability contributed to the fall of Balochistan.
- Tribal rebellion in Kachhi – Several tribes in Kachhi refused to acknowledge the Khan’s authority. In 1822, Khan Mehrab Khan marched to Kachhi with a large force. The rebels surrendered without resistance. Leaders from the Raisani, Shahwani, Rind, and other tribes were arrested for treason. While most were pardoned, the Raisani leader—the rebellion’s ringleader—was executed.
- Bugti Rebellion – Banditry by rebel groups disrupted peace in Kachhi and nearby areas. Khan Baloch suppressed the rebellion with force and later pardoned the leader, Mir Ali Sher Bugti, after reaching an agreement.
- Rebellion by Shay Qasim Gichki in Kech – In 1831, Qasim Gichki declared independence in part of Kech. Khan Baloch dispatched Sardar Faqir Muhammad Bizenjo with a force that subdued the rebellion. Qasim Gichki surrendered, and local administration was restored under loyal leadership.
- Occupation of Harand and Dajal by Ranjit Singh – Ranjit Singh, ruler of Punjab, with the help of Sayed Muhammad Sharif (a Kharan-appointed governor), occupied these key eastern provinces of Balochistan (now Rajanpur)
- Court Conspiracies – Conspiracies within the royal court had intensified.
In 1838, the British sent a force led by Alexander Burnes to reinstate Shah Shuja Durrani as the king of Afghanistan by deposing Amir Dost Mohammad Khan. To reach Afghanistan, they needed passage through Balochistan, particularly the Bolan Pass. However, Khan Mehrab Khan refused to allow the British to use his land to attack a neighboring country.
The British sent Lieutenant Leach to negotiate with the Baloch government, but the Khan stood firm. When British forces reached Shaal via Bolan, some patriotic Baloch, without the Khan’s knowledge, attacked British troops out of nationalist sentiment and a desire to protect their homeland.
After toppling Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, the British Governor-General of India, Lord Auckland, ordered an attack on Balochistan. In 1839, around 7,000 British troops marched from Shaal to attack the Baloch Meeri (capital). Anticipating an invasion, Khan Mehrab Khan declared war and sent messages to tribal leaders, but many saw the British as allies rather than invaders and chose to collaborate with them rather than defend their land.
When Khan Mehrab Khan gathered his resistance fighters, the number of loyal warriors had dwindled to only 700 due to the short-sightedness of many tribal chiefs. Nevertheless, Mehrab Khan was determined to fight. At his court, a respected figure, Akhund Muhammad Siddiq, advised him that he was not in a position to wage war at that time. He suggested that the Khan should leave Kalat with his companions, regroup and strengthen his forces, and then launch an attack against the British when the time was right.
Thus, on 13 November 1839, the British forces launched an attack on Kalat, and a fierce battle ensued. During the fighting, Khan Mehrab Khan Baloch was martyred by a British bullet.
Khan Mehrab Khan replied:
I know that the British are rulers of England and India, and they have also established their authority over Kandahar. Confronting them now is difficult. But where can I go, abandoning my land? My father’s blood was shed for this soil. I do not want to tarnish my name in history by fleeing. Nor can I accept slavery. I would rather choose death over a life of servitude.”
Among those martyred alongside him were:
- Dewan Bacha Mal, Minister of Finance
- Dewan Khem Chand
- Dewan Asardas Mukhi, from the Hindu Panchayat of Kalat
- Abdul Karim Raisani, brother of Sardar Asad Khan Raisani
- Sardar Wali Muhammad Shahizai Mengal, (maternal uncle of Martyr Amir Mehrab Khan)
- Mir Taj Muhammad Shahizai Mengal, (cousin of Mehrab Khan)
- Mir Muhammad Ali Shahizai Mengal
- Mir Fazal Muhammad, brother of Sardar Muhammad Khan Lehri
- Sardar Zaman Khan Pandrani
- Mir Dad Karim Chandozai Shahwani
- Mir Shahbaz Khan Nichari
- Mir Badal Khan, brother of Sardar Shahbaz Khan Nichari
- Khan Muhammad Dehwaar, Arbab-e-Kalat.
- Mir Nabi Bakhsh Jatoi, from the Narmak region of Kalat
- Mir Qaiser Khan Bizenjo
- Mir Shah Dost Bizenjo
- Muhammad Raza Waziri Khel
- Noor Muhammad Shahi, son of Polat Sagaar Sarmastani, in charge of the armory
- Taj Muhammad Shagasi
Beginning of the Peaceful Political Movement for Freedom (Kalāt State National Party)
The Baloch nation began its political resistance movement for national independence against the British and their local agents. This movement, though having passed through many phases, continues its journey toward its goal to this day. In 1920, the first Baloch political organization, Young Baloch, was founded by Waja Abdul Aziz Kurd. Due to the circumstances of the time, the activities of the organization were kept secret.
Eleven years later, Waja Abdul Aziz Kurd met Waja Yousaf Aziz Magsi. In 1931, both of them founded Anjuman-e-Ittihad-e-Balochan, which began openly advocating for its political stance. The organization demanded independence for Balochistan from British rule, the return of the leased territories (the so-called British Balochistan), and the establishment of a representative democratic government in Balochistan.
Following the arrest of Waja Abdul Aziz Kurd and the sudden death of Waja Yousaf Aziz Magsi in the devastating earthquake of May 31, 1935, the organizational structure of the Anjuman disintegrated. After his release from prison, Waja Abdul Aziz Kurd resumed his search for political allies aligned with his vision. On February 5, 1937, in Sibi, he joined forces with Waja Abdul Rahim Khwaja Khel, Waja Babu Abdul Karim Shorish, Waja Aalijah Ghaus Bakhsh Gazzagi Mengal, Waja Gul Khan Naseer, Malik Saeed Dehwaar, and Malik Faiz Muhammad Yousafzai to form the Kalāt State National Party.
Professor Aziz Bugti, in his book “Balochistan: Political Culture and Tribal System” , writes that on February 5, 1937, politically conscious activists from Balochistan, most of whom had been associated with Anjuman-e-ttihad-e-Balochan, held a meeting in Sibi. As a result, the first formally organized political party of Balochistan, the Kalāt State National Party , was founded. Waja Abdul Aziz Kurd was elected president, Waja Gul Khan Naseer as vice president, and Waja Malik Faiz Muhammad Yousafzai as general secretary. Waja Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo later joined the party, becoming one of the leading figures in Baloch national politics.
According to Malik Faiz Muhammad Yousafzai, the party’s manifesto included the following:
- Establishment of a responsible and accountable government in the Kalāt State.
- Reform and reorganization of state laws, particularly the Jirga system.
- Reintegration of the leased territories back into Kalāt State which had been ceded to the British through various agreements.
- The right to constitutional struggle for educational, economic, and social development.
- Abolition of unjust taxes in Balochistan.
On the issue of taxation, the Kalāt State National Party made the following demands:
- Equal compensation for blood money ( Diyat ).
- Abolition of the Zar-e-Shahi and Zar-e-Sar taxes imposed by tribal chiefs.
- End to forced labor ( Begaar ).
- Abolition of levies such as Mali , Purs , and Bijaar , which had turned into tribal taxes rather than mutual aid.
The Kalāt State National Party was a progressive, modern political party that sought to reshape Balochistan in line with new times and realities, envisioning it as a modern, independent state in the future. Rightfully, the party marked the beginning of political organization and thought in Balochistan, influencing subsequent political movements.
At a time when proxy tribal chiefs loyal to the British held power and the poor suffered under oppression, the Kalāt State National Party advocated for national freedom, public representation, and the voice of the marginalized. The party’s oath itself clarified its political message:
With God as my witness, I pledge that from this day forward, I will consider serving the people and the nation as my foremost duty. I will serve the poor, the peasants, and the downtrodden, and will make every sacrifice for their rights. From today, I am a member of the Kalāt State National Party and will abide by all of its decisions. As long as the party continues to serve the poor and helpless, I will remain its member and will be ready to sacrifice everything and struggle against all destructive forces.”
The Kalāt State National Party wanted the rulers of Kalāt to recognize the reality that without the formation of a modern state, Balochistan could not survive. In the party’s first formal statement, it was said:
Today, when major changes are happening around Balochistan — Afghanistan to the north is developing rapidly, India to the east has gained provincial autonomy, Iran to the west is regaining its lost glory — progress and the light of freedom are spreading everywhere. In the midst of all this, we Baloch are the most unfortunate, as all the doors to the world’s happiness have been shut on us.”
While the leadership of the Kalāt State National Party was organizing the people and providing political education, Balochistan’s intellectuals and writers — under the party’s guidance — contributed to national development. The Pashtuns of Balochistan also stood loyally for their homeland and participated in this early journey of development.
In October 1937, Mohammad Hussain Unqa published the first revolutionary poem in the Balochi language. Subsequently, many newspapers and journals were launched from Karachi, including Young Balochistan , Kalmat-ul-Haq , Aftaab , Nijaat,Haqiqat, Balochistan , and Bolan , all of which promoted the political ideology of the Kalāt State National Party.
Before his death, Waja Yousaf Aziz had purchased a litho press for publications. After his demise in the earthquake, Azizia Press was established in his memory, from which the Urdu-language weekly Istiqlal was launched. Editors of this weekly included Quddoos Sahbhai, Abdul Samad Achakzai, Allah Bakhsh Saleem, Muhammad Yaqoob Ghilzai, Muhammad Hasan Nizami, and Abdul Samad Durrani over various periods. The paper ceased publication on August 17, 1950, but had played a vital role in politically educating an entire generation.
The British occupiers considered the Kalāt State National Party a major obstacle to their goals. Waja Gul Khan Naseer described this in his book Tareekh-e-Balochistan (History of Balochistan) as follows:
The activities of the Kalāt State National Party soon began to irk the Political Department (of the British). The foreign ruling class of the state began to panic. In their frenzy, they considered every young man in Kalāt — whether an employee, student, laborer, farmer, trader, or landlord — as a member of the Kalāt State National Party.”
The success of this early political movement and the popular acceptance of the Kalāt National Party can be seen in the 1947 elections. Despite restrictions, party candidates contested as independents and won 39 out of 51 seats in the Kalāt State elections.
The Baloch nation had taken its first step away from autocratic rule toward a modern state. Despite foreign and domestic conspiracies, it gained popular success. The importance of Balochistan further intensified after World War I. On this, Professor Dr. Farooq Baloch writes in his book “The Baloch and Their Homeland” :
World War I, which began in 1914, significantly increased the regional and geopolitical importance of Balochistan. The Russian, German, and French threats to Britain’s most crucial military outpost and vast colonies intensified. The discovery of minerals and Balochistan’s long coastline turned it into a matter of life and death for the superpowers.”
The Kalāt State National Party aspired for national independence and the establishment of a national state. Party president Waja Abdul Aziz Kurd once addressed the Baloch people, saying:
I will only say this: Understand clearly the position of Britain in Balochistan. Do not assess it from the perspective of Indian politics. Instead, consider the significance of your homeland in the context of Asia and determine your political needs according to your own local conditions. Never imitate India or any foreign state.”
Pakistan’s Occupation of Balochistan and the Beginning of the War of Independence (Agha Abdul Karim’s Resistance)
On August 11, 1947 , the Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan , declared the independence of Balochistan from British rule. Two days later, on August 13, 1947 , British troops and officers officially withdrew from Balochistan. That same year, general elections were held, and an independent Balochistan parliament came into existence.
Following the declaration of independence, the Prime Minister of Kalat, Sardarzada Muhammad Aslam , and the Foreign Minister, Douglas Fell , went to Karachi to negotiate with the newly formed Government of Pakistan regarding the return of certain areas that had been leased to the British from the Kalat State. However, during this visit, the Pakistani authorities demanded that Kalat accede to Pakistan.
Prior to the British withdrawal, the Khan of Kalat had clearly communicated to the British government that Balochistan was not part of India , and that the so-called “British Balochistan,” which had been administratively subordinated to British India, should be returned to Kalat before the British exit. The Khan had even appointed Muhammad Ali Jinnah , the founder of Pakistan, as his legal advisor to settle these matters with the British authorities.
However, the British were opposed to an independent and sovereign Balochistan. After the partition of India, the British advised Pakistani leadership not to accept Balochistan’s independence under any circumstances. They also encouraged the rulers of Kharan, Lasbela, and Makuran (Kech)—who were under Kalat’s suzerainty—to independently accede to Pakistan.
The British Commonwealth Secretary for Dominion Affairs wrote a letter to the British High Commission in Karachi , explicitly stating:
According to information, the Government of Pakistan is inclined to recognize the independence of the State of Kalat. This must be prevented.”
The letter further mentioned British strategic interests, stating:
The territory of the Khan of Kalat, which borders Persia (Iran), is not in a position to fulfill international responsibilities. Lord Mountbatten had warned the Government of Pakistan of such dangers before the transfer of power. The British High Commission in Pakistan should inform the Pakistani authorities of our position in this regard.”
According to the Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru , a collection of articles by the Indian leader, the Khan of Kalat wrote to Nehru in 1946 . One of the reasons for this correspondence was that the Indian National Congress , under the British formula, had rejected the concept of an independent Balochistan.
This letter also indicates that at the time, the Government of Pakistan did not perceive the independence of Kalat State as a threat , nor did it see it as a danger to the integrity of Pakistan. However, the British government , which considered its departure from the region to be temporary, desired to maintain influence and possibly return in the future . For this reason, they wanted Balochistan to remain under occupation , to facilitate the fulfillment of their strategic interests in the region at a later time.
Historian Professor Hameed Baloch writes: “These interests were related to the Gulf states and the oil that passed through this region towards the West.”
In Balochistan, the British found several local collaborators for their plans, the most prominent among them being the chief of Kech, Sardar Baiyan Gichki—a man known for his extravagance. Seeking to increase his income, he demanded that the agricultural lands of Kachhi be granted to him by the Baloch Khan, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. However, the Khan maintained that these lands belonged to the tribes and he had no authority to transfer them to anyone else. This dispute between the central government and Sardar Baiyan Gichki of Kech later became a key factor in weakening the unity of Balochistan.
On October 27, 1947, the British summoned Baiyan Gichki to Gwadar as part of their conspiratorial plans against Balochistan. In Gwadar, then under the control of the Omani ruler Said bin Taimur, Baiyan Gichki was hosted by both the Omani ruler and the British agent Hidayatullah. Afterwards, Baiyan Gichki traveled to Jimuri and then to Karachi, where he remained for several days. Later, his brother, Malik Dinnaar Gichki, also arrived in Gwadar aboard the well-known passenger ship SS Barpeta. There, he met British agent Hidayatullah—another character involved in paving the way for Pakistan’s eventual occupation of Balochistan.
During this meeting, Malik Dinnaar sought British assistance against the central government. Through this, the British learned that the rulers of Kharan and Lasbela had turned against the Khan of Kalat. Along with Baiyan Gichki, they were pressuring the Khan to sign the accession document with Pakistan—a document that had already been rejected by Balochistan’s newly elected parliament. Baiyan Gichki, who was displeased with the way Makuran’s revenue was being distributed among other tribal leaders, demanded that the entire income of Makuran be recognized as his sole entitlement.
He also submitted a request to the Omani-appointed governor of Gwadar, asking that if the Khan of Kalat attacked Kech and its people were displaced as a result, they should be provided shelter and their needs fulfilled in Gwadar. Under a royal decree, the revenue from Gwadar was partially owed to the State of Kalat, and this share was traditionally collected by the rulers of Kech.
On December 3, 1947, Baiyan Gichki met Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Jinnah wanted him to attend a special jirga (tribal assembly) in Dadar, but Baiyan Gichki declined. His ambition was to capture Gwadar and Kech and establish his own state. However, the governor of Gwadar refused to pay him revenue, signaling that the Sultanate of Oman did not recognize Baiyan Gichki’s claim to rule over Gwadar.
It is important to note that Baiyan Gichki was never the ruler of the entire Makuran region. In fact, he only ruled over a part of what is now known as Kech. At the time, Kech was a distinct administrative or tribal unit of the then-independent State of Kalat. On March 17, 1948, some dissident tribal chiefs declared an unconstitutional accession of the Kalat state’s tribal units—Kharan, Bela, and Kech—to Pakistan. Kharan and Lasbela were two tribal areas in Balochistan that the British had already separated administratively from the Khan of Kalat’s authority and placed under the control of their political agent in Kalat.
On March 27, 1948, Sardar Buland Khan Gichki wrote a letter denouncing Sardar Baiyan Gichki’s unconstitutional decision to accede Makran to Pakistan. In his letter to the Baloch Khan, he wrote:
“For a long time, my ancestors, my tribe, and I have remained loyal to the State of Kalat. Now, as circumstances change, I, along with my relatives and my entire tribe, reaffirm our allegiance to the State of Kalat and declare that we will accept whatever decision it makes regarding the future of Balochistan. I strongly condemn Sardar Baiyan Gichki’s accession to Pakistan, particularly because he has no right to claim rulership over all of Makuran, except for Kech.”
Despite the tireless efforts of the Baloch nation, on March 27, 1948, encouraged by Britain, the Pakistani military invaded Balochistan. This invasion was led by British General Sir Douglas Gracey. On that day, the occupying forces attacked Kalat, the capital of Balochistan, and solidified their control. Since that day, the Baloch nation has been struggling for the restoration of its lost independence.
The beginning of this struggle for independence was initiated by Prince Agha Abdul Karim Ahmedzai, the younger brother of Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. On May 16, 1948 , he rejected the forced annexation of Balochistan by Pakistan and launched an armed struggle for freedom . He organized a small unit of the Kalat State Forces, Baloch armed resistors, and Baloch nationalist politicians. He camped in Sarlat , near the Afghan border.
He also invited the Kalat State National Party (KSNP), Baloch League, and Baloch National Workers Party to join the struggle for independence. The flag of this first organized liberation movement was red with three golden stars , symbolizing the three regions of Balochistan . It is said that Agha Abdul Karim held Marxist and Leninist political beliefs, and his struggle was for a socialist, independent Balochistan .
Prominent individuals who supported Agha Abdul Karim in this first phase of the Baloch liberation struggle included Mohammad Hussain Unqa, Secretary of the Baloch League and Editor of the monthly Bolan Mastung, Malik Saeed Dehwaar, Qadir Bakhsh Nizamani , former secretary of the Baloch League and Sindh-Balochistan Communist Party, and Maulvi Mohammad Afzal, a member of Jamiat Ulema-e-Balochistan.
Dr. Inayatullah Baloch writes:
During their stay in Sarlat , the Baloch freedom fighters undertook the following actions to achieve their goals:
- Sending messages to the tribal chiefs of Eastern and Western Balochistan inviting them to join the struggle.
- Launching a propaganda campaign within Balochistan to incite rebellion, unrest, and disorder, and to recruit members for the National Liberation Force.
- Attempting to gain international support, especially from Afghanistan and the Soviet Union.
In pursuit of these goals, messages were sent to tribal leaders such as Mir Ghulam Farooq of the Rodini tribe , Mir Wazir Khan of the Sanjrani tribe in Chagai, Sardar Mehrab Khan , Mir Jumma, and several others. The propaganda effort was conducted on two fronts:
(a) The national-cultural front
(b) The religious front
Under the national-cultural front , the party distributed pamphlets across Balochistan to motivate people to rebel against Pakistan’s oppressive regime. One pamphlet read:
Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his associates, whom the British have handed power to, desire to enslave us and occupy our motherland, Balochistan. Our forefathers shed their blood for every inch of this land to free it from foreigners. We are not willing to become a negligent generation that betrays our ancestors. We have resolved to fight for the freedom of every inch of our homeland. Jinnah and his shameless associates aim to bankrupt our Baloch culture so that in the future we can no longer call ourselves Baloch, cannot speak our native language, and will abandon our old civilized traditions in favor of their indecent ways. But we are determined to protect our culture. As long as we breathe, we will not abandon our mother tongue and will defend our dignity to the very end.”
On the religious front , a prominent religious leader, Maulvi Mohammad Afzal, issued a fatwa addressing government employees and soldiers. The fatwa urged Pakistani troops to join the Baloch Liberation Force in jihad against a non-Islamic government , declaring that any Muslim soldier who fought against this Islamic jihad would be regarded as a swine and considered a serious disobedient to God and His Prophet.
Alongside these cultural and religious movements, Agha Abdul Karim organized a Liberation Force composed of former soldiers and officials of the Kalat State, naming them the Baloch Mujahideen , with Prince Karim elected as the Supreme Commander. He issued a recruitment appeal, declaring that anyone who recruited 100 men would be appointed as a Major, and those who recruited 50 would be appointed as Captain.
A secret intelligence agencyunder the name “Janisaar” was established for the Baloch Liberation Army, responsible for gathering information, disrupting communication networks, and monitoring the activities of traitors. Members under Janisaar were called “Janbaaz”. The agency was led by Prince Karim, and its headquarters was known as “Bab-e-Aali” (Office of Secret War). Janisaar had 30 members, while the exact number of Janbaaz is unknown.
To fight for Balochistan’s independence, weapons were procured and prominent political figures were mobilized internationally. Waja Malik Saeed Dehwaاr and Waja Qadir Bakhsh Nizamani were assigned diplomatic responsibilities. They sought assistance from Iran, Afghanistan, and the Soviet Union.
The Afghan government denied the Baloch fighters the use of Afghan territory. The Iranian government , though having concerns, refused military assistance but offered political asylum to Baloch resistors.Qadir Bakhsh Nizamani, fluent in Russian, met with Soviet diplomats. They gave no guarantees but said they would inform Moscow.
On May 24, 1948, using the deposed Khan of Kalat, a royal decree declared Prince Karim and his group as rebels, ordering that no one maintain contact with them or provide them with rations. If any member of the rebel group committed disobedience, they would be punished.
The Pakistani government deployed troops near Panjpai, Chaman Chashma, and the Afghan border to control the rebels’ supply lines, which were supported by pro-independence locals, and to suppress their activities or potential attacks.
Due to lack of support from neighboring countries, opposition from influential figures within Balochistan, and no external backing, Prince Abdul Karim agreed to negotiate with Pakistan.
When news of Prince Abdul Karim’s arrival in Kalat on July 8, 1948 reached the area, the former Prime Minister of Kalat, D. Y. Fell, met him at Harboi with Kalat State Forces and conveyed the Khan’s message. During the meeting, D. Y. Fell accepted some of Prince Karim’s demands and assured him that if he disarmed his forces, he would be granted amnesty. Prince Karim complied.
However, the Pakistani army broke its promise and arrested Agha Abdul Karim along with his 142 companions, who were imprisoned in Mach and Shaal.
The failure of this first war of independence is attributed to the lack of internal and external support at that time. Inside the country, the deposed Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, and Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo were opposed to armed resistance and favored peaceful negotiations with Pakistan. On the other hand, Agha Abdul Karim, Mohammad Hussain Unqa, Malik Saeed Dehwaar, and Qadir Bakhsh Nizamani supported an armed liberation struggle.
Agha Abdul Karim’s resistance stands as a milestone in the Baloch movement. As the founder of armed resistance in the struggle for independence, his rejection of subjugation affirms that the Baloch nation opposed Pakistan’s occupation of their homeland from the very beginning.
From BSO to BNM :
Although the British handed over the vast Baloch homeland to occupying powers in pursuit of their imperialist goals, the Baloch nation—through decades of political and armed resistance—has consistently demonstrated its rejection of these actions as violations of its geography, culture, and national interests. Notably, in 1948, 1958, 1962, and 1973, the Baloch nation launched armed guerrilla struggles and made profound sacrifices for their freedom. In response, the occupying forces resorted to both violent suppression and deceptive negotiations in an attempt to extinguish the national liberation movement. Yet, despite these tactics, the state achieved only limited success, as the Baloch movement persisted in various forms across generations. Each era gave rise to visionary leaders who reignited the struggle and gave new life to the dream of independence through their sacrifices.
While the leaders of the Kalat State National Party played a foundational role in shaping the Baloch movement, another critical contribution came in 1962 with the establishment of the Baloch Students Educational Organization (BSEO) in Karachi. This student body helped develop the movement’s ideological, intellectual, and organizational foundations. Changez Aalyani served as its first chairman. On November 27, 1967, the organization evolved into the Baloch Students Organization (BSO). In its inaugural session, Dr. Abdul Hai Baloch was elected as the first chairman, and Bezen Baloch became secretary-general.
Soon after its formation, BSO split into two distinct ideological camps. The faction led by Dr. Abdul Hai Baloch became known as “BSO pro-Sardars”, while the opposing group, BSO Awami (anti-Sardars), was led by Syadan Marri and reportedly supported by Qadir Bakhsh Nizamani. Despite their ideological rift, both factions made significant contributions to Baloch politics and later played a role in establishing the Baloch National Youth Movement (BNYM).
Though founded by students, BSO quickly expanded its reach beyond campuses. It actively engaged with the public, propagated its political ideology, and even participated in electoral politics. At a time when Balochistan lacked political parties, BSO successfully filled the vacuum, becoming a platform that resonated across all segments of society—from workers and homemakers to children and elders. So prominent was its influence that, in the 1970 general elections, the National Awami Party (NAP) nominated BSO chairman Dr. Hai Baloch as its candidate against powerful tribal figures—and he won.
The Baloch National Movement (BNM), therefore, was not born out of chance or sudden inspiration. It was the result of years of political struggle, sacrifice, and a growing realization among Baloch nationalists that the freedom movement required a clear, unwavering direction. The electoral victory of the BSO chairman in 1970 symbolized the will of the people—a desire to dismantle the outdated tribal order and establish national sovereignty. However, even these peaceful and democratic aspirations were met with violent repression by the Pakistani state.
During the 1970s, the Baloch nation rallied behind the National Awami Party (NAP) from Barkhan to Jimuri. Political cadres stood firmly with NAP’s leadership, but the party failed to institutionalize its structures, resulting in regional and political fragmentation. When armed resistance resumed after the fall of NAP’s government, its reach was limited to select areas. Meanwhile, foreign manipulation and internal tribal intolerance within NAP led to the alienation of figures like Shaheed Akbar Khan Bugti—an event that dealt a lasting blow to the Baloch national cause.
Despite the compromising role of certain leaders, the Pakistani ruling establishment has always rejected the Baloch national identity. They have consistently deemed the Baloch people’s aspiration for sovereignty as unacceptable. Following the same mindset and policies of 1948, the Pakistani state has continued its campaign of Baloch genocide in an attempt to eliminate the Baloch nation and solidify its control over Balochistan.
Although the National Awami Party (NAP) was not exclusively a Baloch party, several prominent Baloch nationalist leaders—such as Waja Khair Bakhsh Marri, Waja Attaullah Mengal, Waja Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, and Waja Gul Khan Naseer—were part of it. As mentioned earlier, BSO (Haqaiqi) was also allied with NAP in its early stages, and the Shaheed Akbar Khan Bugti initially supported them as well. However, Bugti later developed differences with other Baloch leaders and moved closer to opposing NAP near Bhutto regime.
Although NAP was not solely a party of the Baloch nation, it deeply influenced Baloch politics. Professor Aziz Bugti, in his book “Balochistan: Political Culture and the Tribal System,”writes: “All parties in Balochistan that claim to be nationalist today have their roots in the National Awami Party. Whether it is the Pakistan National Party, the Balochistan National Movement (in all its factions), or the Progressive National Movement—all originated from NAP.”
The Baloch National Movement (BNM)’s flag also reflects this legacy, resembling the NAP flag, though with a notable difference: the NAP flag featured four stars symbolizing Pakistan’s four federating units, while the BNM flag has a single white star in the center of a red field. However, in the BNM’s current ideological framework, the colors and the star represent different symbolic meanings than they did in the past.
NAP was founded in 1957 in then West Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Led by Bengali politician Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani (Maulana Bhashani), the party aimed to unite all oppressed nationalities within the Pakistani framework and mobilize popular resistance against the military regime through nationalist leadership. The eventual failure of NAP’s struggle made Bengali political leaders realize that complete independence was the only viable path to escape Punjab’s hegemony.
In contrast, the lack of political maturity in Balochistan and the weak resolve of its leaders meant that even after Pakistan’s defeat in the 1971 war with India and the subsequent independence of Bangladesh, the Baloch leadership remained tied to NAP. Instead of initiating a full-fledged movement for Baloch independence, they opted for a strategy of peaceful coexistence and became part of Pakistan’s parliamentary system.
Shaheed Akbar Khan Bugti was the only Baloch leader at that time who, after Bangladesh’s independence, openly expressed the desire that the Baloch too should strive for freedom from Pakistan. However, other NAP leaders strongly opposed this idea.
In May 1972, Balochistan saw the formation of its first nationalist government, headed by Waja Attaullah Mengal.
Key initiatives of this government included:
- Tax Reforms aimed at achieving financial stability and self-sufficiency for the provincial government of Balochistan.
- Establishment of the Balochistan Levies Force , aligned with Baloch traditions and values.
- Encouragement of Freedom of Expression
In this regard, Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo famously stated, “Balochistan is an island of freedom in a sea of political inequality.”
But this island of freedom soon became a thorn in the eyes of Pakistan’s rulers. On February 1973, Bhutto’s regime dismissed the government of Wajah Ataullah Mengal. Wajah Ataullah Mengal, Wajah Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo, and other leaders were arrested. The dismissal of the NAP government was a clear signal from the Pakistani state that it would not accept any form of Baloch autonomy.
After the fall of the NAP government, the Baloch once again turned toward armed resistance. The Soviet-backed government in Afghanistan, along with the USSR’s global presence, further strengthened political awareness in Balochistan. In Afghanistan, the political circles around Baloch leader Wajah Khair Bakhsh Marri had a deep impact on the political developments inside Balochistan. Shaheed Fida Ahmed Baloch was also part of these circles. There, he closely studied the political environment and the roles of tribal personalities, which made him realize the urgent need for organized institutions.
On December 24, 1987, former members of the Baloch Students Organization (BSO) laid the foundation of the Balochistan National Youth Movement (BNYM). Dr. Abdul Hai was elected as the first convener, while the Central Organizing Committee included Shaheed Fida Ahmed Baloch, Ayub Jattak, Dr. Abdul Malik Baloch, Manzoor Gichki, Kehda Akram Baloch, Bahram Khan Baloch, Asadullah Baloch, Mula Bakhsh Dashti, and Dr. Wazeer Baloch.
Professor Aziz Baloch writes:
“In 1987, Dr. Abdul Hai Baloch, a leader of the Pakistan National Party, along with some associates, formed a separate wing within the party under the name Balochistan National Youth Movement . The reason given was to organize Baloch youth and prepare them for future responsibilities. However, party chief Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo rejected this justification and refused to recognize the internal organization. He went so far as to expel its organizers from the party, effectively giving BNYM an independent and complete political identity.”
BNYM held its first convention in 1989 at the Shaheed Nawab Nauroz Khan Stadium in Shaal. At this convention, the organization’s name was changed from Balochistan National Youth Movement to Balochistan National Movement (BNM). However, the BNM soon suffered internal divisions, splitting into two factions: BNM Hai Group and BNM Mengal Group. The Mengal faction soon merged with Habib Jalib Baloch’s Progressive National Movement. In 1996, the BNM Mengal faction further merged with remnants of Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo’s Pakistan National Party (PNP) to form the Balochistan National Party (BNP), while the BNM Hai group continued under the same name.
In October 2003, BNM Hai merged with the newly formed Balochistan National Democratic Party (BNDP), founded by Hasil Bizenjo and Sanaullah Zehri after their split from BNP Awami, to create the National Party. This new party, operating on a national scale, clearly marked a departure from the ideology of the Baloch national liberation movement.
In response, Shaheed Ghulam Muhammad Baloch and other nationalist leaders, cadres, and members still committed to the original Baloch national cause swiftly decided to preserve the Balochistan National Movement (BNM) in line with its founding principles.
On Wednesday, October 9, 2003, BNM’s Organizer Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad Baloch and Deputy Organizer Shaheed Lala Munir Baloch held a press conference and declared:
“The Balochistan National Movement continues to exist. We do not accept its merger or management under the Balochistan National Democratic Party.”
In the same press conference, they said:
“15 years ago, on December 24, 1987, a political platform was formed by former BSO members under the name BNYM, which later evolved into BNM in 1989. This movement was described as a continuation of BSO’s long Baloch national struggle and was based on the goal of liberating the Baloch nation from Punjabi oppression.”
Under the strategic leadership of Fida Ahmed Baloch, a non-compromising line of struggle was adopted.However, after his martyrdom on May 2, 1988, some who inherited his political caravan chose to participate in the 1988 elections. This move was the beginning of a plan to wind up the Baloch national struggle. They misled the Baloch nation by claiming that parliamentary politics would only be used as a tool, and if unsuccessful, it would be abandoned.
In practice, however, this group made a few assembly seats their sole aim. To appease the Punjabi establishment, they adopted positions that aligned with the federal parliamentary system and even became vocal advocates of Pakistan’s 1973 Constitution — a framework that the Baloch nation had categorically rejected.
He stated that plans were devised to turn the Baloch nation into a minority through the development of Gwadar Port and the establishment of military cantonments. In the face of these dangers, instead of expanding the struggle for Baloch national liberation, a dissident faction began conspiring to sabotage a powerful force like BNM under the pretext of national integration and mainstream politics, effectively serving Punjab’s agenda.
BNM members resisted these conspiracies. However, this faction violated the party’s constitution by unilaterally deciding on a merger. Since this group committed constitutional violations, from this day forward, it has no affiliation with BNM.
Shaheed Waja Ghulam Muhammad, in this historic press conference, further declared: “We announce the continuation of BNM as an independent and sovereign organization. We categorically reject parliamentary-style politics and will instead adopt other methods of struggle. In pursuit of the goals of the Baloch national movement, we will coordinate and stand in solidarity with other national-oriented political forces, mobilize positive elements of Baloch society, and work toward building a unified national force. Our ultimate aim is the reconstruction of the Baloch homeland, Baloch ownership, and Baloch identity.”
He appealed to BNM workers and the Baloch nation to play an active role in the national movement through collective strength.
On this occasion, the formation of a 12-member Interim Organizing Committee was announced.
Shaheed Ghulam Muhammad was appointed Central Organizer ,
Shaheed Lala Munir as Deputy Central Organizer ,
Members included: Fazal Bugti, Abdul Qadir Smalani, Hassan Dost, Naseer Ahmed, Issa Zafar, Haji Akbar, Naseer Saleh, Sakhi Dad, Chakar, and A.S. Ahmed.
Following the attempted sabotage and forced merger, on 17 October 2003, BNM’s leadership participated in a four-party alliance rally in Gwadar, asserting their independent position and representing the party’s true stance.
From 30 April to 2 May 2004, after the party session, BNM officially began a new chapter rooted in non-parliamentary politics and the ideals of the freedom movement. In this session, the following leadership was elected:
- President: Shaheed Ghulam Muhammad
- Senior Vice President: Shaheed Lala Munir
- Junior Vice President: Issa Zafar
- General Secretary: Advocate Raheem
- Senior Joint Secretary: Shaheed Advocate Anwar
- Deputy Joint Secretary: Shaheed Rasool Bakhsh Mengal
- Labour & Peasants Secretary: Hassan Dost
- Finance Secretary: Haji Naseer
- Press Secretary: Younas Gangu
For the Central Committee , the elected members were: Comrade Moladad, Dr. Deen Jan, Chakar (Jehangir), A.S. Ahmed, Imam Bakhsh, Shah Zaman Marri, Major Mohammad Ali, Rehmatullah Shohaz, Asmat, Qadir Advocate, and Qadir Samalani. Waja Muhammad Hussain Chairman of the party’s Election Committee administered the oath to the newly elected cabinet.
On 2 May 2004 , the 16th death anniversary of Shaheed Fida Ahmed was commemorated with a public gathering in Shaal, where the party’s swearing-in ceremony also took place.
Among the speakers were BNM President Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad, Vice President Lala Munir, and General Secretary Advocate Raheem, alongside Democratic National Party leaders including Humayun Marri, Amanullah Kanrani, Shafi Danish, and Shaqeela.
In his speech, Shaheed Ghulam Muhammad Baloch said:
We will not hesitate to make any sacrifice for the interests of the Baloch nation. Our struggle for Baloch freedom will continue. The rulers of Punjab are trying to sell off the Baloch coast. Those who chant slogans of Balochistan’s rights have acted as brokers in the sale of our land. The resolution passed in the Balochistan Assembly against the construction of military cantonments was later nullified under pressure from Islamabad through another resolution.”
“From the beginning until today, the resistance movement in Balochistan has continued. Repeated assurances of resolving the issue through dialogue have produced no results. It is now imperative that we liberate ourselves from Punjab’s occupation and achieve self-determination because the Baloch nation has the right to ownership of its land — a right for which our struggle will persist.”
He rejected the Parliament of Pakistan, stating that the current system serves Punjab’s interests and that we want a purely Baloch parliamentary system.
Even before the establishment of BNM, the process of organizational structuring on an institutional basis had already begun. Regular circles were organized for cadre-building so that political workers could be trained on intellectual and revolutionary foundations. However, before BNM, the demand for Balochistan’s independence was vague. Terms like “right to self-determination” were used, which internally implied independence, but it was only after the formation of BNM that, for the first time at the public level, the demand for full independence of Balochistan was explicitly presented.
Before BNM, Baloch national politics was heavily influenced by communist ideologies, but BNM defined the standards and methods of Baloch nationalist politics and shifted the focus from class struggle to the struggle for national independence.
Regarding this, Shaheed Waja Ghulam Mohammad once said: “Baloch political workers must study all political ideologies of the world, but their field of action is Balochistan. They have to change the mindset of the Baloch nation and draw them towards national politics. Therefore, our political workers must first understand their national psychology, problems, and national history. No doctor in the world can treat a patient by checking someone else’s pulse. Our hand too must be on the pulse of the Baloch nation.”
In the 2004 session, the party’s name was changed from Balochistan National Movement (B.N.M) to Baloch National Movement (BNM) so that Baloch living outside Balochistan could also be included in the organization, thereby strengthening the independence movement. Under the leadership of BNM’s leader, Shaheed Waja Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, for the first time in Balochistan’s history, BNM workers entered the political arena with courage and clarity and spread the message of independence across every corner of Balochistan and to Baloch people around the world.
Soon after the 2004 session, state forces also became active against the party. On December 3, 2006, the party president Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad and Shaheed Sher Mohammad, a leader of the late Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti’s Jamhoori Watan Party, were forcibly disappeared after being arrested during a protest in Karachi. After months of torture in secret detention centers, on September 20, 2007, their arrest was formally shown at Khuzdar police station and on September 21, 2007, they were transferred to Turbat city police station. He was released on bail on October 10, 2007. Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad Baloch and Iqbal Baloch (who is still forcibly disappeared) along with many other members were forcibly disappeared, which temporarily affected the party’s performance.
During his enforced disappearance, young cadres like Shaheed Dr. Mannan, Dr. Deen Mohammad, Dr. Khuda Bakhsh, Dr. Naseem (Chairman), and Khalil Baloch (Chairman) played a key role in reorganizing the party.
When Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad first reappeared after his enforced disappearance and was falsely implicated in multiple cases, he immediately resumed his political activities. When the state of Pakistan filed a false case against him for leading a public rally in Mand and declared him a fugitive, he made Karachi the center of operations and mobilized the entire Balochistan under BNM’s program for the freedom movement. In 2008, under his leadership, the eighth national council session of the party was held in Malir, Karachi, after which the party entered the field again with renewed spirit.
False cases were simultaneously registered against Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad in Turbat, Karachi, and Shaal. He spent most of his brief political life in Pakistani courts between Kech, Shaal, and Karachi. The purpose of these false cases was to limit his political activities, but despite this, his courage and passion for freedom never wavered. This increased public trust in BNM, and people began joining the party in large numbers.
On April 3, 2009, Shaheed Waja Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, Shaheed Lala Munir Baloch, and Shaheed Sher Mohammad Baloch were abducted in Turbat from their lawyer’s office by state forces and forcibly disappeared. On April 8, 2009, their mutilated bodies were found in Murgaap.
Initially, the motto of BNM was “Baloch land, Baloch freedom, and Baloch resources.” This motto was formulated to encompass the party’s program. However, as the party progressed, the vision of its members and leadership became clearer. Therefore, in the 2010 session, on the proposal of Shaheed Dr. Mannan, the motto was changed to “Freedom , Equality and Justice.”
Shaheed Dr. Mannan used to say: “We do not love Balochistan merely for its resources or geography; we love Balochistan because it is our homeland. Whether it has resources or not, its importance will never decrease for us.” This mindset was the reason behind the change in the motto.
In the 2014 session, BNM presented its vision and framework for an independent Balochistan by establishing an ideological line, stating that “BNM seeks Balochistan’s independence on a humanitarian basis” — that is, complete independence in which all forms of oppression are eliminated, and the Baloch nation is granted freedom, equality and justice without discrimination based on gender, color, race, language, religion, or class.
In the 2022 session, significant amendments were also made to the party’s constitution in line with the needs of the time, and emphasis was placed on the formal establishment of institutions in all departments of the party.
Shaheed Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, BNM’s Secretary-General Shaheed Dr. Mannan, along with many central and district-level leaders and hundreds of workers, were martyred at the hands of the Pakistani military, and many have been enduring torture in Pakistan’s detention cells for years. Because of these sacrifices and the day-and-night struggle of BNM’s revolutionary workers, BNM today continues to play the role of a vibrant and strong revolutionary party in the Baloch national freedom struggle and is progressing toward its goal with the same passion as on day one.
Against Pakistan’s Forced Occupation of Balochistan, the Baloch Nation Launched an Armed Resistance Led by Prince Abdul Karim Baloch on May 16, 1948, Laying the Foundation of the Independence Movement, Which Continues Uninterrupted to This Day Despite Many Ups and Downs.
Through their political and armed resistance, the Baloch nation has proven that it rejects Pakistan’s forced occupation of Balochistan and all colonial measures, considering them contrary to its national and geographical unity, freedom, unique culture, identity, and interests.
The Baloch have nourished this movement with their blood, making it stronger. As a nationalist party, the Baloch National Movement (BNM) has played a prominent role in the independence struggle since its inception. During this struggle, BNM’s founding chairman Waja Ghulam Muhammad Baloch, Lala Munir Baloch, Rasool Bakhsh Mengal (elected Senior Joint Secretary in 2008), Central Finance Secretary Haji Razaq Sarbazi, Razzaq Gul, Dr. Mannan Baloch (elected Secretary General in 2014), Central Committee members Waja Naseer Kamalan, Ustad Ali Jan Bizenjo, Abdul Samad Tagrani, Naseer Rind, Nako Khair Bakhsh Umrani, Imdad Bojir, Suleman Baloch, Master Barkatullah Baloch, Sajid Baloch (Jimuri), and dozens of other central and district leaders have been martyred at the hands of the Pakistan Army and intelligence agencies.
Central Committee members Dr. Deen Muhammad Baloch, Ghafoor Baloch, and hundreds of activists have been enduring torture for years in Pakistani secret detention centers.
Because of these sacrifices and the tireless efforts of BNM’s revolutionary activists, the Baloch National Movement has earned credibility and continues to play an active and strong role in the national independence movement.
With high morale, firm resolve, and conscious action, BNM’s caravan is steadily advancing toward the goal of freedom.
2022 Session – (Current Leadership)
- Chairman: Dr. Naseem Baloch
- Vice Chairman: Dr. Jalal Baloch
- Junior Vice Chairman: Ustad Babul Latif
- Secretary General: Dil Murad Baloch
- Senior Joint Secretary: Kamal Baloch
- Junior Joint Secretary: Hasan Dost Baloch
- Information & Cultural Secretary: Qazi Dad Muhammad Rehan
- Finance Secretary: Nasir Baloch
- Human Rights Secretary: Nazir Noor Baloch
- Foreign Secretary: Faheem Baloch
- Welfare Secretary: Master Iqbal Baloch
